“China-Philippines Most Recent ‘Arrangement’ Has Nothing to Address the Root Cause of Tensions in the South China Sea”
The Philippine government has announced that China and the Philippines have reached an agreement to ease tensions over the disputed Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea. This agreement, negotiated by Chinese and Filipino diplomats in Manila, outlines temporary conditions for resupplying Filipino troops stationed on the shoal. Both nations claim sovereignty over the shoal, which has been the scene of frequent confrontations between their forces. The Second Thomas Shoal, also known as Ren’ai Jiao in China and Ayungin Shoal in the Philippines, lies roughly 1,000 kilometers from China’s southern Hainan Island and the western Philippines Island of Palawan. It has been a flashpoint in recent months, culminating in a violent incident on June 17. During this confrontation, Chinese forces rammed and boarded two Philippine navy boats attempting to deliver supplies to Filipino personnel on the shoal. The Chinese forces seized control of the boats, damaged and took several M4 weapons along with other supplies with them. The clash, which resulted in injuries to Filipino navy officers, was captured on video and in photographs. Both China and the Philippines blame each other for the conflict, asserting their respective claims over the strategically significant shoal. The South China Sea is a crucial global trade route with rich fishing grounds and underwater gas reserves.
In addition to China and the Philippines, other nations with territorial claims in the South China Sea include Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan. The region is a sensitive area and a potential flashpoint in the US-China rivalry. While the recent agreement between China and the Philippines marks a step towards reducing immediate tensions, it does not address the underlying causes of the broader South China Sea disputes.
Significance & Background of the South China Sea Dispute
The South China Sea is an incredibly productive area, serving as a major fishing ground for China, Vietnam, the Philippines, and other claimant states. The region’s continental shelf harbors significant natural gas and petroleum reserves. The abundance of marine life in the South China Sea is due to the large-scale drainage of nutrient-rich waters from land and the upwelling of water in specific maritime regions. This heavily fished area is a primary source of animal protein for the densely populated Southeast Asian region, with prevalent species including shrimp, shellfish, anchovies, croaker, mackerel, and tuna. Most of the catch, whether fresh or preserved, is consumed locally. The Philippines, in particular, is a major fish-producing nation.
Furthermore, the South China Sea holds tremendous geopolitical significance in the context of global politics. Its strategic location at the intersection of major maritime routes connecting the Indian and Pacific Oceans makes it a focal point for international powers and their interests. The region is critical to the world economy, facilitating the annual flow of goods worth trillions of dollars. Nearly one-third of global trade, including vital energy resources such as oil and natural gas, passes through these waters. Any attempt by China to disrupt this trade would harm the global supply chain and the economies of other countries. Consequently, the South China Sea has become a focal point for the ambitions and rivalries of major powers, including the United States, China, Russia, and Japan.
Ayungin Shoal, also known as Second Thomas Shoal, is a contested reef claimed by the Philippines, China, Brunei, Malaysia, and Vietnam. The Philippine military ship Sierra Madre, intentionally grounded in 1999 to counter China’s territorial claims, is manned by a small contingent of Philippine Marines. For years, these nations have been embroiled in disputes over the territorial status of various islands and reefs like the Ayungin Shoal in the South China Sea. This region, which includes Whitson Reef, the Paracel Islands, Thitu Island, Scarborough Shoal, and the Spratly Islands, is believed to hold significant oil and gas reserves.
In July 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled against China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea in a case brought by the Philippines. Recently, the Philippine Foreign Ministry announced that the Philippines and China have agreed on guidelines for de-escalating tensions in the South China Sea to facilitate the transfer of personnel and supplies to the BRP Sierra Madre stationed at Ayungin Shoal. The ministry’s statement outlined that both nations have reached an understanding of principles to prevent misunderstandings and miscalculations during the Philippines’ lawful and routine rotation and resupply missions to the shoal.
This agreement was the result of productive discussions during the 9th Bilateral Consultation Mechanism on the South China Sea, held in Manila on July 2, 2024. Despite this progress, China has refused to acknowledge or recognize the court’s ruling, which states that the islands do not form an exclusive economic zone or disputed territory. The Philippine Foreign Ministry affirmed that Manila will continue to uphold its rights and authority over Ayungin Shoal, in accordance with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Clauses of the Recent Arrangement
According to Manila, China and the Philippines have reached a ‘provisional deal’ for resupply missions in the South China Sea.
The Philippines and China have reached a provisional arrangement for resupply missions to the beached Filipino naval ship, Sierra Madre, on the Second Thomas Shoal, according to a statement from Manila’s Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA). The DFA did not provide specifics about the resupply missions but emphasized that the arrangement followed “frank and constructive discussions” during the Bilateral Consultation Mechanism earlier this month. Both sides acknowledged the need to de-escalate the situation in the South China Sea and manage their differences through dialogue and consultation, agreeing that the arrangement would not prejudice their respective positions in the area.
The Chinese foreign ministry confirmed the temporary arrangement and reiterated its demand for the Philippines to tow away the Sierra Madre and restore the shoal to its original, unoccupied state. A Chinese spokesperson expressed China’s willingness to allow humanitarian resupply missions to the ship’s occupants if necessary before the vessel is removed. However, China firmly opposed any transfer of substantial building materials or attempts to establish fixed facilities and permanent outposts on the shoal, vowing to resist such actions to safeguard its sovereignty.
Despite an offer of assistance from the United States, Philippine security authorities announced that they would conduct the resupply missions independently. White House National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan had stated that the US would do whatever necessary to support its treaty ally in resupplying the Sierra Madre. However, Eduardo Año, his Filipino counterpart, confirmed that the resupply operations would remain “a pure Philippine operation,” indicating no need for direct US involvement at this time.
Analysis of the Arrangement
Concerns of a military conflict at the Second Thomas Shoal, potentially involving the United States, loom large as tensions between China and the Philippines escalate in the South China Sea. Despite these worries, there are strong reasons to believe that both Beijing and Manila will strive to avoid a military clash. Chinese officials must weigh the regional geopolitical implications and the significant distraction from their current focus on domestic socioeconomic issues. Manila faces an immediate constraint due to an unfavourable military power balance compared to China. Many questions remain about how the United States, the Philippines’ ally, will respond if a naval confrontation occurs in the South China Sea. A critical issue is how Manila and its allies will eventually address China’s gray zone operations, which have proven challenging for regional entities and their supporters, influencing the outcome of current tensions between Beijing and Manila.
Beijing appears ready to seize what it perceives as a favorable moment to capture the Second Thomas Shoal. It has employed water cannons to prevent Filipino vessels from transporting construction materials to repair the BRP Sierra Madre. The Philippines has a strong incentive to strengthen the BRP Sierra Madre to maintain control of the feature long-term. During the prolonged dispute, Manila has sent survival supplies to its marines on the ship, which Beijing claims to have allowed for humanitarian reasons. The Philippines may have covertly supplied limited construction materials to the ship, but there are concerns that the vessel will disintegrate if not significantly strengthened.
The goals of the two countries appear incompatible, and conflict is likely to escalate. From another perspective, China may continue to employ gray zone tactics, gradually depleting Manila’s resources and policy options, enabling Beijing to achieve its short-term objectives. Chinese officials recognize these geopolitical constraints but aim to increase China’s presence and influence in the South China Sea. In the ongoing dispute, Beijing heavily relies on gray zone measures, hoping to ensure the eventual failure of the Filipino vessel on the Second Thomas Shoal. When the warship fails, the shoal might swiftly fall under Chinese control. Beijing expects this strategy to help avert the worst-case regional geopolitical repercussions of a direct military conflict. Many Chinese policy elites believe that the gray zone approach is the best way to address this geostrategic challenge. For more than a year, China has effectively blocked the Philippines’ resupply sorties and prevented ship repairs using these tactics.
As a result, the Philippines is forced to choose between responding to China’s blockade and retaining control of the Second Thomas Shoal. A power imbalance and logistical challenges limit the Philippines’ ability to counter China’s strategy. In the worst-case scenario, Manila may take military action or seek military assistance from non-regional states to resist China’s activities. If this occurs, China is likely to retaliate with substantial military force, citing retribution and self defense.
Root Causes of the Tensions
China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea has steadily intensified, escalating tensions with Southeast Asian claimant nations, particularly the Philippines, near the Second Thomas Shoal in the Spratly Islands. China’s sweeping claims to sovereignty over the sea—and its estimated 11 billion barrels of undiscovered oil and 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas—have angered rival claimants Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Countries began staking claims to islands and zones in the South China Sea as early as the 1970s, including the resource-rich and strategically vital Spratly Islands. The inability of Chinese and Southeast Asian authorities to resolve these disputes diplomatically risks undermining international maritime law and encouraging destabilizing military buildups.
China insists that international military forces are not permitted to conduct intelligence activities, such as reconnaissance flights, within its claimed exclusive economic zone (EEZ). The United States, however, maintains that under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), claimant countries should have freedom of navigation through EEZs and are not required to notify claimants of military activity.
Recent satellite data reveals China’s growing efforts to expand its territorial control in the South China Sea by physically enlarging existing islands or creating new ones. Beyond adding sand to existing reefs, China has built ports, military stations, and airstrips, especially on the Paracel and Spratly Islands, where it maintains multiple outposts. Notably, China has militarized Woody Island, deploying fighter jets, cruise missiles, and a radar system.
To protect its regional political, security, and economic interests, the US has challenged China’s assertive territorial claims and land reclamation projects through freedom of navigation operations and increased support for Southeast Asian partners. In response to China’s aggressive stance, Japan has provided military ships and equipment to the Philippines and Vietnam to bolster their maritime security and deter Chinese aggression.
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who took office in June 2022, has taken a firmer stance against China compared to his predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte. The Philippines’ most contentious disputes with China center around the Second Thomas Shoal of the Spratly Islands, which lies within the Philippines’ 200-mile EEZ.
Ferdinand Marcos has agreed to increase base access, joint exercises, and weapons exchanges with the United States. In March 2024, US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin affirmed that the United States’ Mutual Defense Treaty with the Philippines covers both countries’ armed forces, public vessels, and aircraft in the South China Sea. Meanwhile, Japan has also enhanced its influence by supplying military weapons to the Philippines and Vietnam to enhance maritime security.
End Note
Beijing may wish to refrain from using overt force against Manila in order to resolve territorial and maritime conflicts due to its previous policy preference, regional strategic interests, and the effectiveness of gray zone tactics. Beijing does not, however, intend to forgo using military action as a means of settling conflicts. There is a chance of an armed conflict, especially if Manila takes more drastic measures to make China’s “gray area” strategy ineffectual. The best measures to keep tensions and conflict from turning into war would be to defuse the South China Sea crisis and reopen bilateral talks between Beijing and Manila. Together, Beijing and Manila’s policymakers should take into consideration the ambitious but intriguing idea of creating a maritime park at Second Thomas Shoal with the goal of advancing environmental preservation, scientific study, and cooperative fisheries. For the past ten years, experts from China and Southeast Asia have discussed this topic on occasion, but at the official level, it has not yet been addressed. This possibility might have a favorable effect on regional peace and stability if China and the Philippines give it some thought.
